One year ago, when he returned into the presidential seat, Milo Đukanović undertook to work on the economic growth, overcome social divisions, stop crime and corruption and reinforce the position of this country within the international community.
One year later, he was welcomed by thousands of citizens who claim that the institutions are captivated. In addition, the escaped businessman is accusing him of being involved in corruption, pro-Government media in Serbia dubbed him “Kim Jung Milo” while foreign commentators and diplomats are saying it’s high time he retired.
“I expected that I will have more time to be focused on my priorities, the ones I outlined i my inauguration speech”, says Mr Đukanović for the BBC in Serbian.
However, when asked who will oust him, he doesn’t even wait for the answers – he immediately replies:
“Nobody! I have withdrawn three times, voluntarily, and I don’t think anybody can bring me down”, says Mr Đukanović.
Milo Đukanović came to power for the first time 28 years ago. From 1998 to 2002, when Montenegro was federal unit within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, he served as the President.
During three decades of his rule, he changed allies skillfully – from creating joint country to bitter confrontation with Slobodan Milošević, from economic opening to Russian money to political closure towards the East, and all the way to contemporary Chinese investments and Turkish capital, while at the same time, his country becomes NATO members and is getting closer and closer to become EU member.
Three legs of destruction
After almost three decades of rule, Đukanović presents himself as an epitome of the policy that has moved Montenegro towards Euro-Atlantic values. He describes his political opponents as people who failed to understand that the key issues have been – resolved.
“Opposition hasn’t figured out that some questions have been removed from the agenda: Montenegro has renewed its independence, it’s oriented towards the European values and its economic development is huge. The biggest in its entire history”, says Đukanović.
However, Đukanović is now faced with protests which put corruption and crime in focus.
“I have been warning repeatedly – political requests disguised as civil protest. That’s what it is”, says Đukanović.
He accepts the challenge. He’s ready for the dialogue with those who want changes, but he interprets their requests in his own way.
“It all comes down to one request only. You call it captivity of the institutions but I read it this way: You have been in power for too long. You need to go and let us take over”.
What lies behind the protests is what he recognizes as “three-legged structure of destruction” – his old rival. This structure consists of the opposition, independent media, and part of civil society.
“I don’t think the opposition is the most powerful part of this infrastructure – the most powerful are the so called independent media, which are actually the opposition media leading continuous dirty campaign against the government in Montenegro”, says Milo Đukanović.
He sees potential weaknesses in his own ranks.
“The greatest danger for the policy I personify lies in our own weaknesses. If we manage to overcome our weaknesses and if we keep on with the practice of systemic renewal of our capacities, we will succeed”, says Montenegrin President.
Answering to the allegations before the Court? Maybe
Duško Knežević, businessman against whom Interpol has issued Red notice, tried to open the “Pandora’s Box” of relations on the top of Montenegrin government. Knežević is currently in London, where he is spreading information about the affairs regarding crime and corruption in the Montenegrin government.
He used to cooperate with government structures.
“We can talk about the institutional attention and competitiveness, but the important fact is that we are talking about 12 or 13 years of institutional development and that we are simultaneously faced with very sophisticated frauds that exist everywhere in the world”.
BBC: Right, but none of them involves some President. Could you imagine the day when Milo Đukanović comes to court to answer to the allegations?
Đukanović: Absolutely! I have responded to subpoena many times so far, I’ve been giving statements. Affairs are launched in order for the government to be forced to withdraw since who launch them are not able to win in the elections. And that’s why I am their main target.
Đukanović reminds of the “cigarette affair” and the fact the its actors were exonerated.
He also stresses the case of Stanko Subotić and the fact that there is a political matrix that is constantly being repeated.
“Now my opponents are trying to use that same looser matrix”, says Đukanović.
Why relations with Belgrade “have cooled down” again
Podgorica and Belgrade have considerably distanced recently. Two leaders, Aleksandar Vučić and Milo Đukanović happen to encounter only on the margins of grand reunions.
“I have noticed that official meetings lack and that is unusual. We haven’t been assertive but we have always shown our readiness to be actors of bilateral encounter at the highest level. There are no burning issues between us, that’s why we haven’t been insisting on meetings”, says Đukanović.
He says that he met with his Serbian counterpart on the Security Forum in Munich in February. They spoke by phone in the middle of April.
Diplomatic coolness is followed by fierce offensive of the pro-government tabloids and televisions in Serbia aimed at Montenegrin government accused of undermining Serbian politics, especially regarding the issue of Kosovo and the relationship with the Serbian community in Montenegro.
“I am aware of that. Does that raise doubts and indicate some assumptions? Yes. I believe you know that I’m not naive. But I’m not fearsome. I have seen a lot of mood swings of some parts of political and media stage from Belgrade and I can expect the phase in which they will all speak kindly of Montenegro and myself”, says Đukanović.
BBC: Government in Serbia considers the media to be inclined to it.
Đukanović: I know something about that too. And that’s why I find it hard to assume that this is the editorial policy of the independent media.
BBC: Do you tell that to President Vučić?
Đukanović: We haven’t talked about it.
BBC: Why?
Đukanović: Because our conversations are all thematic, focused on the most current regional issues. I don’t think it’s necessary that I bring up that question – I don’t want my interlocutors to think that I need some kind of protection from the media campaign. I have always defended by myself. But. I’d expect to hear some sort of explanation from the other side – why does that happen and how much it is related to some important political process that are underway.
To the remark that such relations between Podgorica and Belgrade could actually be favorable for both regimes in consolidating their national body and electorate, Đukanović answered:
“I’m not looking for an opportunity in that, and I would never manipulate with such questions. We must take care of our mutual relations with joint efforts”.
Đukanović assumes that activities of pro-Serbian opposition in Montenegro could contribute to such atmosphere.
“They present themselves as victims, while running from the responsibility for always being against the decisions the contemporary Montenegro has been making in the last two decades”, says Đukanović.
Ideas about turning Montenegro into the state of Serbian and Montenegrin people and opposing Montenegrin language are retrograde according to Đukanović, and aimed at destroying the fundamental commitment to creating civil state.
Correction of borders between Serbia and Kosovo – step into the 90s
“I have repeatedly warned that it shouldn’t be the first concept for tackling that issue- What is the guarantee that the same ideas won’t continue to evolve at the Balkans and in Europe? Are we going back to 90s and have we forgotten the war that was inspired by such ideas? Who can assure us that any correction of borders motivated by ethnic or religious homogenization is not just the first step going that way? We must contemplate on it carefully and seriously… so that we don’t make a wrong step and cause domino effect of retrograde ideas”.
Milo Đukanović – guardian of Europe or his own power
In an interview with Associated Press, Milo Đukanović, has stated dramatically that if the WB region stays out of the reach of the EU, then the Europe risks to be destroyed.
He often says that a hybrid war is being fought against Montenegro.
“It’s not just the war against Montenegro – it’s aimed against the European system of values and the Euro-Atlantic alliance, so it’s quite clear who leads it. It’s natural that Europe will be official Moscow’s primary target”.
Đukanović sees WB as European room and he doesn’t want to push it by force into the house of the EU.
However, such warnings have been interpreted differently by many. They saw Đukanović’s commitment to preserve his own position.
“Not at all – such manipulations emerge from the position of Balkan inferiority, lack of knowledge about political reality, the thought that Brussels’ affection matters only”.
Montenegro – a day after Milo Đukanović
Former British Ambassador to Yugoslavia, Sir Ivor Roberts, said in his text for American “Politico” that Montenegro had to choose different leader and different policy culture if it wants full EU membership.
Milo Đukanović, who is 57 and definitely not the oldest politician, instead of replying to the remarks that it’s time for his retirement, counts all his achievements: choosing peace instead of war, maintaining multi-ethnic society, renewal of independence, NATO membership, turning Montenegro into the most developed WB economy…
“If you can achieve all those things in 60 years, I’d say you have used your time well and wisely. And we did it in 30 years time”.
Therefore, Đukanović claims that he doesn’t have any reason to worry.
BBC: The first day in Montenegro without Milo Đukanović in power…what does it look like?
Đukanović: We’ve seen that three times already.
BBC: Essentially, we haven’t. The day when neither the party nor Milo Đukanović isn’t in power…what does it look like?
Đukanović: The fundamental question is whether we crossed the crossroads of the choice between strategic political course of our country. I think we did.
It was important to show determination and prudence and „move our small country towards favorable direction“.
“It doesn’t matter that much who the leader of Montenegro is – whether it’s Milo Đukanović or somebody else. I’m looking forward to the fact that Montenegro will keep moving towards Euro-Atlantic way”, concludes the longest-serving current European leader.
